Conflit Israelo-Palestinien

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/12952614

Tout mouvement sioniste, ne sera jamais feministe. Quoi qu'on en dise.

cross-posted from: https://jlai.lu/post/5035686

Sympa...

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La France est le 3e pays le plus gros vendeur d'armes au monde. De grands groupes comme Thales, Safran, Dassault, mais aussi de nombreuses PME, fabriquent et vendent du matériel militaire à Israel, ou ont des partenariats avec des marchands d'armes israeliens. Fin Janvier, l'état israélien s'est assis sur la décision de la cour internationale de justice qui lui a ordonné de prendre toutes les mesures pour empêcher tout acte de génocide contre les Palestiniens à Gaza.

Par ailleurs, la France a signé le traité sur le Commerce des Armes qui interdit la vente d'armements et leur emploi "vers des pays ou des zones de conflits où les droits humains sont bafoués". Mais cela ne l'empêche pas d'avoir des contrats avec des États impliqués dans de multiples répressions et massacres de civils (Palestine, Égypte, Turquie, Liban, Togo, Côte d'Ivoire, RDC, Chili, Arabie Saoudite, Bahreïn…) ou des guerres d'agression (Ukraine, Yémen, Syrie, Kurdistan…). Dans notre région aussi, des entreprises fabriquent et vendent ces armes avec l'autorisation de l'État français.

La guerre se fabrique près de chez nous.

La plupart de ces entreprises locales sont membres du cluster EDEN, qui est hébergé par la Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie de Lyon Métropole Saint-Étienne Roanne (CCI). Le cluster EDEN sert de lobby auprès des pouvoirs publics pour gagner des contrats d'armement partout dans le monde. Parmi ces entreprises, PGM Précision (Savoie) vend des fusils pour les tireurs d'élite de l'armée israélienne.En Saône et Loire, AMEFO fabrique des blindages militaires. C'est une filiale de l'entreprise israélienne Plasan. Cette entreprise fabrique des blindés légers (Storrider et Sandcat) utilisés par l'armée et les forces de police israéliennes, et testés par le Banc National d'Épreuve de St Étienne, qui appartient à la CCI de Lyon. Dès l'attaque du 7 octobre, elle a mis les bouchées doubles pour fournir l'armée israélienne.

L'industrie de l'armement bénéficie aussi de multiples aides publiques (Communes, Région, État) financées par nos impôts. La Vice-Présidente de Wauquiez, Stéphanie Pernod, déclare que « la Région est fière de soutenir ses fleurons industriels spécialisés dans l'armement tant ce secteur est stratégique pour notre souveraineté, en plus de créer des emplois dans nos territoires. » La CCI de Lyon, par le biais du cluster EDEN et du BNE, est donc directement impliquée (avec toutes les autres entreprises et universités qui collaborent militairement avec Israël) dans les massacres commis contre les palestiniens de Gaza et de Cisjordanie.

La guerre se fabrique près de chez nous. Refusons d'être passifs et complices au nom de mauvaises raisons économiques et stratégiques.

Dans ce texte, une trentaine de syndicats palestiniens appellent les syndicats à l'échelle internationale à : ●Refuser de fabriquer des armes destinées à Israël ●Refuser de transporter des armes vers Israël ●Adopter des motions à cet effet au sein de leur syndicat ●Prendre des mesures contre les entreprises complices qui participent à la mise en œuvre du siège brutal et illégal d'Israël, en particulier si elles ont des contrats avec leur institution ●Faire pression sur les gouvernements pour qu'ils cessent tout commerce militaire avec Israël

Source complémentaire : voir rapport de l'Observatoire des armements « les guerres se fabriquent près de chez nous » et informations fournies par la CRAAM Coordination Régionale Anti-Armements et Militarisme de Lyon

Lien vers la carte interactive de Stop Arming Israël France, qui répertorie les entreprises françaises qui participent à la collaboration militaire avec Israël : https://framacarte.org/fr/map/entreprises-darmement-en-france_173229#6/47.122/2.483

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Detainees who have been returned to Gaza have testified about harsh treatment, including beatings and abuse by soldiers and during questioning. IDF spokesperson says the military has opened investigations into the deaths


27 Gaza detainees have died in custody at Israeli military facilities since the outbreak of the war, according to figures obtained by Haaretz.

The detainees died at the Sde Teiman and Anatot facilities or during questioning in Israeli territory. The IDF Spokesperson's Office said the Investigative Military Police has opened investigations into the deaths. The IDF did not detail the circumstances of the deaths, but said that some suffered from prior health conditions or were wounded during the war.

Since the start of the war, the army has held Gazan detainees in temporary prison camps at the Sde Teiman base. The detainees at Sde Teiman were questioned by Unit 504. Under an amendment to the law that was passed during the war, detainees may be held for up to 75 days without seeing a judge.

Some detainees have been released and returned to Gaza. In addition, Gazan workers with permits who were in Israel at the outbreak of the war were held at the Anatot detention camp until most were released back to the Strip. A source told Haaretz that at least one of them, a diabetic, died there, after not receiving medical treatment. In December, Haaretz revealed that detainees at Sde Teiman were held while handcuffed and blindfolded throughout the day.

Pictures later published by Haaretz revealed what the location where the detainees were held looked like, and a source there said that soldiers tended to punish and beat detainees, which matches testimonies of Palestinians who were later returned to Gaza.

They testified about beatings and abuse by soldiers and during questioning. Pictures of released detainees showed bruises and marks on their wrists from prolonged handcuffing. According to a UNRWA report published by The New York Times on Tuesday, detainees released to Gaza testified that they were beaten, robbed, stripped, sexually assaulted and prevented access to doctors and lawyers.

In late February, Azzadin Al Bana, a 40-year-old man from Gaza who suffered from serious illness before his arrest, died at a Prison Service clinic. The Committee on Prisoner Affairs stated that Al Bana was arrested at his home in the Gaza Strip about two months ago. Haaretz learned that Al Banna was first brought to the Sde Teiman base and initially held in regular detention there, and only transferred to the Sde Teiman medical facility two weeks later. About a month ago, he was transferred to a Prison Service clinic.

A lawyer who recently visited the clinic said that prisoners there said he suffered from paralysis and had serious pressure wounds. According to the lawyer, one of the prisoners said Al Bana appeared yellow and made dying sounds but did not receive proper treatment. Prison Service data sent to HaMoked Center for the Defense of the Individual shows that, as of March 1, 793 Gaza residents were held in jails administered by the prison service under the status of unlawful combatants. This is in addition to an unknown number of Gazans held in military detention facilities.

The IDF Spokesperson's Office said in response, "Since the start of the war, the IDF has been operating a number of detention facilities, which are holding detainees, who were arrested during the Hamas assault on October 7 or during the ground campaign in the Gaza Strip. The detainees were brought to the detention facilities and questioned. Anyone found to have no connection to terrorist operations was released back to the Gaza Strip.

Since the outbreak of the war, there have been a number of cases of deaths of detainees held at prison facilities, including detainees who arrived to detention wounded or suffering from complex medical conditions. Every case of death is investigated by the Investigative Military Police, and the findings are sent to the Military Advocate General at the conclusion of the investigation."

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États nazis.

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Israel État nazi, ofc. Pas besoin de préciser.

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cross-posted from: https://sh.itjust.works/post/15732000

3:36:55 : Master class de Youssef Boussoumahd

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On est franchement dans le camp du mal.

Guerre Israël-Hamas : inquiétudes autour d’une offensive israélienne dans le sud de la bande de Gaza

Genocide Israelien : Inquietude sur le massacre en passe de devenir un vrai genocide,

La ville de Rafah et les alentours hébergent quelque 1,4 million de Palestiniens, chassés du nord et du centre de l’enclave par l’offensive militaire israélienne. Israël annonce une offensive, tandis que l’extrême droite appelle à un nettoyage ethnique.

La ville de Rafah contient 1.4M de deportes. Une shoah moderne se prepare.

Le 26 février, l’armée a soumis au gouvernement un plan d’évacuation pour les quelque 1,4 million de personnes qui s’entassent dans le sud de l’enclave. Certains détails ont été révélés, comme le retour des femmes et des enfants dans le nord du territoire – mais pas les hommes de plus de 14 ans – et la construction de camps de déplacés à l’extrême sud de la bande de Gaza.

Une deportation s'organise en plus de l'extermination.

Israel est un etat Nazi, Tout ses soutiens sont des collabos.

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An Israeli army jeep, in hot pursuit of two Palestinian teens riding an electric bike, rams them and they are thrown to the ground. A soldier places his rifle on the neck of one of them and pulls the trigger. Imru Swidan, 17, remains in critical condition and paralyzed


This time, there's no room for doubt, or for questions, excuses or lies from the Israel Defense Forces Spokesperson's Unit: The videos testify to what happened. They show an armored jeep in hot pursuit of two youths who are riding an electric bicycle. The side of the jeep rams the riders forcefully, knocking them off the bike. One of them manages to escape, the other is lying on his stomach, his face to the road. One of the soldiers who emerge from the jeep places the barrel of his rifle on the boy's neck. The image is blurred, but an enlargement makes it unmistakable what happened next: A bullet enters the youth's neck, shattering the upper part of his spine. Paralyzed and on a ventilator, he now is in the intensive care unit of a hospital in Nablus.

The event recalls the incident involving Elor Azaria, the "Hebron shooter," who in 2016 shot and killed a Palestinian terrorist who had already been shot and subdued, but in a grimmer format. The youth in this case did not die on the road, and it's not clear what the two bike riders – 17 and 15 years old – had done that justified the chase by the jeep, or what triggered the fury of the soldiers, who decided to try to execute one of the youths by shooting him in the neck at zero range.

These disturbing questions will remain unresolved for all time. The IDF Spokesperson's Unit this week lost no time whitewashing, fudging and covering up the truth, making do with the usual generic, evasive and fictitious response to Haaretz's query: "A number of terrorists threw explosive devices at an IDF unit that was operating near the village of Azzun in the [territory of the] Ephraim Brigade on February 13, 2024. An IDF unit that was at the site took action to arrest them, and within that framework fired at one of them."

Words fail. Two teenagers on a bike become "a number of terrorists," their transgression unclear; "took action to arrest them" is how the army describes the shooting from zero range of an unarmed, helpless youth who was lying face-down on the road, which looks more like an attempted execution than anything else. "Took action to arrest"? The soldiers could have arrested the youth who was prostrate on the road very easily, but they preferred to shoot him even though he was injured and immobile. After the shooting, the soldiers left without arresting anyone.

Video footage

An Elora Azaria-style deed, but the times have changed unrecognizably. No one will be tried for carrying out executions in uniform, not after the Azaria episode and still less after the war in the Gaza Strip. No one even intends to investigate this incident; the IDF Spokesperson's Unit took no interest in the video that documents the deed. The jeep whose soldiers did this carried an Israeli flag on a towering mast. It was in the name of that flag that they shot the injured teenager on the road, though they could have easily taken him into custody.

Imru Swidan is a 17-year-old from the town of Azzun, east of the West Bank city of Qalqilyah, across the border from Kfar Sava. Since 2003 the eastern entrance to the town has been blocked, and since October 7, its main entrance as well, to the south, has been sealed with an iron gate. Only one entrance remains open, from the west, via the neighboring village of Khirbet Nabi Elias, where frequent surprise army roadblocks hold up the traffic to and from the town for long hours. Shortly before we arrived in Azzun this week, soldiers were still there, harassing the local residents; fortunately for us, we arrived after they had departed.

The Swidan family lives in the family's residential compound in the town's center. Hanging on the wall of the living room, where we were received, are two guitars, and next to them sound equipment belonging to Imru's cousin. Imru is in a private hospital in Nablus, completely paralyzed. From photographs taken of him there, we can see that a breathing tube has been inserted into his throat, a brace holds his neck steady, his face is a ghastly white. It's difficult to tell whether he's conscious. He sometimes whispers something, his mother says. She thinks he's asking for verses from the Koran to be recited, because his death is near.

His father, Mohammed, 42, is by his side, and his mother, Arwa, 33, also visits, of course. The couple have four sons and two daughters – Imru is the firstborn, his mother wasn't yet 17 when she had him. The parents' trips to Nablus to be with their son are extremely challenging. Because of the many checkpoints around Nablus – the city has been almost besieged since the war started – the trip takes hours, despite the relatively short distance. This is what life is like now throughout the West Bank.

It was on February 13, a Tuesday, two weeks ago. The IDF makes frequent incursions into Azzun, as was the case on that midday. Imru's mother relates that when he got up that morning, around 10 o'clock, as usual, she sent him to the market to buy vegetables. Because his electric bike was out of order, he went to a neighbor – a 15-year-old high-school student who has been his friend since childhood, and with whom he met every day (and who asked that his name not be used). With the friend's bike he did the errand for his mother. But he forgot to buy pita, so she sent him back. This time he would not return. He was shot a few hundred meters from home, on the town's main road.

The soldiers invaded the town via its closed eastern entrance. Imru pedaled, his friend standing on the bike. We have no information about what they did along the way, until the video shows the jeep chasing them and then toppling them. A Palestinian ambulance that was summoned to the site was held up for 10 minutes, according to testimony collected by 'Abd al-Karim Sa'adi, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B'Tselem. Only after the soldiers left could the paramedics get to the wounded youth.

He was taken to Omar al-Qassem Hospital in Azzun, from there he was rushed to Darwish Nazzal Hospital in Qalqilyah, and because he was in critical condition, he was moved to Nablus. There, say people in Azzun, he was fortunate to be treated by someone from his town, Dr. Abdallah Harawi, a surgeon of repute. The surgeon's mother died that same day, but he operated on Imru. An X-ray shows the massive damage that was done to his spinal cord by the bullet.

Imru, his mother says, left school during the COVID pandemic, when he was in the 10th grade, and since then had been at home, idle. His father is a maintenance worker in Israeli hospitals. During the past year he was employed at Meir Hospital, in Kfar Sava, but since the war a closure has been imposed on the West Bank, so getting to his old job is out of the question. Many from the extended family worked in Israel and speak Hebrew.

Around midday, after Imru went back for the bread, friends called his mother to say that he had been wounded. Stunned, she phoned her husband, who had started a new job in a sewing shop in the nearby village of Jayus. He set out immediately for the hospital in Nablus, as did his wife, together with other relatives.

As they arrived, Imru was coming out of a CT scan, and his mother fainted at the sight of him. She returned home in the evening, to a house filled with neighbors and family. Now she prays to God every day for her son's condition to improve. In the meantime, there are no signs of that happening.

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Elle est ou la Saint criecq et sa famille (sens propre + figuré) mediatique ?

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Ofek Atun escaped the outdoor Nova rave with his girlfriend. They survived the assault on the bomb shelter in which they took refuge, before fleeing to nearby Kibbutz Alumim. The kibbutz's volunteer security squad mistook them for Hamas terrorists – and opened fire


A regular morning at Kibbutz Alumim. At the entrance to the kibbutz, one of the residents is weeding, not far from there, a house is being renovated. Cement, plaster, paint – whatever is needed to erase the recent past. Bullet holes still scar several walls, the door to the safe room is pierced five times. The rest of the house seems to have been taken from another place; everything is carefully arranged, as if life never came to a stop. As if it is still a safe shelter from the massacre of October 7.

For Ofek Atun, a resident of Holon in central Israel, it nearly was. Along with his partner Tamar, he escaped from the Nova music festival where Hamas terrorists massacred hundreds of partygoers, and managed to run to a bomb shelter near the kibbutz, which was also attacked. They survived that onslaught as well, finally coming to a house in the kibbutz, home to an elderly couple who were hiding in the safe room.

There, Ofek and Tamar called the police, and waited. When members of the kibbutz's community volunteer security squad came to help the elderly couple, one of them saw a man dressed in white in front of him, and thought he was a terrorist. He shot him. Ofek Atun was 24 years old when he died.

A Haaretz investigation traces Atun's path during his final few hours, as dozens of terrorists raided the small community which found itself defenseless, confused, trying with little strength to stand guard, to save residents in the fog of battle.

The investigation, which relies on interviews with Atun's family, his girlfriend and members of the kibbutz's staff and community security squad, along with security footage and recorded phone calls from the morning of October 7, paints a complex, still partial picture – one that does not give rest to Atun's grieving parents, Nitza and Haim. It's possible that what happened inside the house in Ofek's final moments will never be known.

At 7:51 in the morning Atun was already dead, one of about 40 people to be killed on the kibbutz grounds, according to official records. 23 of the dead were foreigners or security personnel. Not a single resident of the kibbutz was killed.

Just four hours earlier, Atun, Tamar and three other friends were driving towards the Re'im parking lot, before making their way to the festival. In retrospect, Tamar says that she didn't want to go at all, but the parties and the music, she says, were Ofek's life. "Kiko", as his parents called him, dreamed of becoming a musician. In his room in Holon, which is now a monument to him, he even built a home studio where he produced trance music, .

They were at the party for barely two and a half hours, when a passerby approached them in line to the bathroom and told them to look towards Gaza, where missiles were being fired in the direction of Israel. They hurried to collect their things and got into the car. Since they came late – they were able to leave first, avoiding the traffic jam that formed behind them. They were traveling north, with no navigation or mobile internet reception. As they travelled, the rocket fire followed them.

But then, when they thought they were already out of danger, they were stopped by a security vehicle of one of the nearby communities. The security personnel ordered them to turn back and drive towards Kibbutz Alumim. "They told them to make a u-turn towards death," says Nitza, Ofek's mother.

At the time, Ofek's parents didn't even know he was there. He told them that he was going to sleep at his girlfriend's home. But when the rocket alarms started blaring in the morning, along with more and more talk of the rave near the border with Gaza, they grew worried.

"Suddenly, Ofek pops into my head," Nitza says, and his father Haim continues: "I said, wait, wait, my son goes to these parties. I called many times and he didn't answer, I called Tamar and she was on hold. Then when she answered, she started talking in whispers."

Nitza, for her part, sent a text message, seemingly innocent, asking Tamar how they were. "We are hiding at a house, there are shots here," Tamar replied to the increasingly frightened Nitza. "I didn't understand what I was reading at all," she said. "Then I heard Haim, who was talking to her on the phone, shouting 'Who's dead, who's dead'."

Ofek died, Tamar was injured. Nitza went into a shock that would last two months.

##Ofek and Tamar did not know

Kibbutz Alumim is about 12 kilometers from the Re'im parking lot, on the west of Highway 232 – the side closer to the Gaza Strip. Three army outposts were supposed to protect it. Two of them, Nahal Oz and Paga, were hit on October 7 and failed to prevent the attack. Over time, additional military forces started arriving, but much of the burden fell on the 12-member community volunteer security squad, and three residents who joined it.

Facing them were dozens of terrorists who came in two waves of attacks from the Shujaiyeh neighborhood in Gaza. The kibbutz's security cameras captured the raid. At 7:01, the terrorists entered through the back gate. At 7:04, they reached the cowshed, shooting and throwing grenades at the foreign workers' quarters. At 7:08, they arrived at the clinic, which is in the center of the kibbutz. A minute later, they noticed a group of people who fled Nova, massacred them one by one, and at 7:14 started shooting at the nearby bomb shelter and throwing grenades into it.

Ofek and Tamar were in one corner of the shelter, along with a few dozen others who escaped from the party, and one policeman. At first, as can be seen and heard in the videos, they believed that it was IDF soldiers who were shooting, and that they would soon be rescued. However, they quickly realized that the fire was targeting them. "People screamed, called their parents, said their goodbyes," Tamar recalls. "Girls clung to me and asked me if they could hug me."

Both her and Ofek were slightly injured by shrapnel from one of the grenades. Ofek in the leg and Tamar in the back. Again, they thought that their lives had been saved.

After leaving the shelter, while most of the group ran east towards the nearby fields, Ofek and Tamar are seen in footage from the kibbutz's security cameras running towards the entrance to the kibbutz, passing through the yellow gate of the kibbutz which was wide open, and turning towards one of the first rows of houses.

On the way, they passed the body of one partygoer, who, like them, ran away from the rave, but was ultimately murdered by one of the terrorists. The below footage of the two, taken at 7:23 A.M., is the last time Ofek was seen alive. When the couple entered the kibbutz, they did not know that there were no longer terrorists there.

Israel's security establishment cannot give an unequivocal answer as to why the terrorist squads withdrew from the kibbutz. Four minutes earlier, the squad's commander was hit by gunfire in his upper body, possibly from Israeli soldiers or a police officer who was there. He was evacuated, and for one reason or another all the other terrorists left as well.

However, Ofek and Tamar were not aware of this. The couple, certain that their lives were at stake, started knocking on doors, house after house, to no avail. It is likely that all residents were inside their safe rooms, but in any case, who would open the door when, as far as they knew, terrorists were roaming inside the kibbutz?

At some point, Ofek decided to break into one of the houses through the window, and opened the door to Tamar from the inside. "We thought there was no one at home, it looked as if they were abroad," Tamar said. "We tried to enter the safe room, but it was locked."

The home belonged to an elderly couple who had indeed locked themselves in the safe room. Looking at the safe room's door from the inside, they saw how the handle was moving up and down, and heard Tamar telling Ofek in Hebrew, "Open it, open it."

The young couple were sure that the terrorists were on their tail, and the elderly couple thought that Ofek and Tamar were Hamas terrorists who could kill them at any moment. They then decided to call the community security squad for help.

All this time, Tamar and Ofek tried to hide. First, under the bed in the bedroom, then in the wardrobe, and finally in the shower. Ofek equipped himself with a kitchen knife to protect Tamar, who, fearing for their lives, decided to call the police. The time is 7:31.

Operator: Police, Tehila speaking.

Tamar: Listen, I'm at some kibbutz, I don't know where, there are terrorists here.

Operator: Where are you?

Tamar: I don't know.

Operator: Where are you? Where you are located?

Ofek: At a kibbutz.

Operator: What kibbutz is that? Hello? Stay with me please, in which community are you?

Ofek: Alumim.

Operator: Alumim. One second. No problem, okay, we're on our way. Tell me exactly what you saw, how many people [assailants] there are.

Ofek: Please come here.

Operator: Are you hiding?

Ofek: Yes, but I don't know what to do... Grenades.

Operator: Listen, a police car is on its way to you. Please stay calm. I don't know exactly how long it will take for them to arrive. Are they shooting at you right now?

Ofek: Yes.

Operator: Where exactly are you? Are you currently hiding?

Ofek: In a house, we broke in.

##The shooting of Ofek and the conflicting versions

The police operator managed to pinpoint the location of Ofek and Tamar, and asked them to remain calm. Neither she nor they knew that at those very moments, the community security squad was already outside the house, preparing to evacuate the elderly couple from it. As far as they were concerned, the couple were in danger, and needed to be rescued urgently.

In the background, they hear gunfire from the direction of Highway 232, and at least three other families at the kibbutz have alerted that terrorists were trying infiltrate their homes. The response team's commander says that he made sure that there were no terrorists around the house, and only then were the elderly couple evacuated through the safe room's window. According to him, the rescue was done quietly because the team believed that there were terrorists inside the house.

From this point, there are several versions of events that are very difficult to reconcile. What is known, based on conversations with several kibbutz members and the response team, is that a local soldier joined the team, and entered the safe room through the window armed with a pistol. At the same time, a security squad member provided cover from outside the house, resting the barrel of his rifle on the window sill. Then, the soldier opened the door of the safe room, behind which Ofek was hiding.

According to the response team member's version (who spoke with one of Ofek's family members about a week later), he heard a curse in Hebrew and fired several bullets at the door of the safe room. After that, he did not see the soldier nor Ofek. He says he understood from the soldier that there was a struggle, after which the soldier managed to free himself from Ofek's grip, which is when he shot him. Afterwords, the soldier went back out through the safe room window as the response team member continued providing cover.

The team commander corroborates this version. According to him, immediately after the elderly couple's evacuation, the soldier came to him and said that he was attacked from behind by a terrorist dressed in white, and in response shot him. According to him, 14 bullets were fired. According to another member of the team, he "emptied the magazine." Either way, many rounds were fired, and Ofek was killed instantly.

Tamar, however, who during the shooting was hiding in the shower with the glass door shut, tells a different version of events. She insists that she didn't hear any swearing, nor any struggle between the two. Only direct, short burst of fire, certainly not a whole magazine. "I know there was no struggle," she repeats. "I saw him dead, he didn't respond. I heard Hebrew from outside and I went to the door of the house."

On her way out, Tamar was also shot, directly in the stomach. The shooter was the team's commander. He says he saw what the soldier had reported to him – a terrorist wearing a white shirt. He later said that he "instinctively" fired once, before stopping.

He told the response team that no one should come near. He stressed to the kibbutz members that at that stage, like the rest of the country, they didn't know about the Nova rave massacre and the survivors looking for shelter at nearby communities.

When Tamar started speaking, they began to understand what had happened. "Help, help. Oh god, I'm Israeli, Tamar," she is heard saying in the real-time recording. "Terrorists, they came out, I'm wounded, I'm dead. That's it. Terrorists in front of my face, Ofek is dead, my boyfriend is dead, Ofek is dead."

The realization that the couple were Israeli surprised the team. One member said that they approached the house with the understanding that terrorists were inside, because shortly before that terrorists had attacked at other areas of the kibbutz gate.

Last Thursday, the team commander and several other kibbutz members met Tamar and members of the Atun family at the scene of the tragedy. The team's commander accepted responsibility for his actions. "It wasn't easy, but we did what we did, as we had to do," he told Tamar. "You have to take responsibility for both the good things and the bad things. I take responsibility for what I did, it was me who shot you."

Even after she was shot, Tamar had a few more moments of tension and anxiety. At around 12:00, the community security sqaud evacuated her to Soroka Hospital in Be'er Sheva. As the vehicle left the kibbutz, it was ambushed, and the medic sitting next to her was wounded in his hand. This time, Tamar was unhurt and arrived at the hospital safely. She was hospitalized for two and a half months. Today, she is still in the process of recovery, and it remains to be seen if and when it will end.

##Three Shiva Mourning Periods

Tamar and Ofek's incident did not mark the end of the day of battle at Alumim. Later, the kibbutz had to deal with additional infiltrations by terrorists, from three separate points. Seven Israeli fighting forces, led by the community security squad, took part in the fighting, and successfully repelled the terrorist squads. However, four Israelis were killed, two foreigners were kidnapped, and an Air Force helicopter was shot down.

A short time later, conclusions started being drawn. On the very same night, the kibbutz informed its members about what happened at that home. "A complex event", they say. The Atun family was told what transpired by members of the kibbutz while sitting shiva for Ofek. His parents had a hard time digesting it.

The kibbutz members returned on the 30th day of Ofek's death, but it was evident that the parents were still in shock. It wasn't until the end of November, when Ofek's father, Haim, came to Alumim to see where it all happened, that the story began to percolate.

It took some time for Tamar to realize that those who shot her and her loved one were members of the community security squad and not terrorists. "I went crazy," she says, "it's like having to digest it all over again." Nitza, Ofek's mother, says she sat shiva for her son three times: once when Tamar told her he had been killed, the second time five days later when his body was brought for burial, and the third time when she realized he had been accidentally shot by the security squad.

Even last Thursday, when the family members visited the kibbutz with Tamar and spoke with the security squad commander, doubts over Ofek's death did not dissipate. They are still convinced that he did not attack the soldier in the house. And yet, they don't want the soldier to be punished. "I don't blame him, I can understand the situation," Tamar says, but adds: "I'm angry that he doesn't come and talk, come tell us the truth."

Until today, the soldier hasn't contacted Tamar or Ofek's parents. On Thursday morning, Haim Atun decided to take the initiative and call him. It was a short, tense conversation. The soldier told Atun that he was "not yet ready to discuss the case". Haim was left without answers to difficult questions about his son's death. "We are restless," explains Nitza, "we will probably never rest, but at least we will know the truth." The soldier did not respond to Haaretz's inquiries.

The story of Ofek's final hours, in fact, was already told in public. A few weeks ago, at an evening celebrating the army reserves at a university in central Israel, a member of the kibbutz's community security squad – a professor at the university – took the stage. He told about everything that happened that Saturday in the kibbutz, including some of what happened in the home of the elderly couple.

"For some reason, [Ofek and Tamar] did not communicate with the [elderly couple] that was in the safe room nor with the security squad that asked them who they were, and this is the tragic result," he said, withtout elaborating further. The audience was stunned.

Nitza is also still stunned, struggling to process, but she recently came to a realization. Ofek, her "Kiko", was not murdered "by the hands of the wicked", as is written on his tombstone in the section of the Nova festival victims in the Holon cemetery. Now she wants to change the inscription. Father Haim is ambivalent. "He died because of them in the end," he says. But Nitza emphasizes: "Yes, but not by their hands."

The heavy grief is evident in every muscle in the faces of Haim and Nitza Atun as they sit in their home in Holon. They try to put together the pieces of the story they heard into a complete, or almost complete, narrative. Nitza has not entered Ofek's room even once since that Saturday; There are still cigarette butts in the ashtray.

On one of the walls is a picture of Ofek as a little boy, on the sheets it says "be happy." Both parents tattooed the portrait of their son on their arms – a happy young man, DJing, with two angel wings, and the nickname "Kiko" in English.

On one of his hands, Haim also tattooed a picture of Ofek while at a festival in Portugal; Shirtless, wearing sunglasses with a beaded necklace resting on his chest. The necklace is now in his room, given to them in a plastic bag by the police.

In response to the investigation, Kibbutz Alumim said that it "regrets and hurts over the chain of events that led to the tragic incident."

According to the kibbutz, "the community's volunteer security squad rescued the [elderly couple] from the window of the safe room and then entered the house, where they noticed the late Ofek charging towards them holding a knife in his hand, and unfortunately they shot him dead. Immediately after that, they searched the house and also shot Tamar when she tried to escape."

"On October 7, the community security squad fought bravely, killing dozens of terrorists who infiltrated the kibbutz. Some members of response team and kibbutz members were injured, and after eight hours of fighting when the army arrived – the terrorists were no longer in the kibbutz."

"We share in the grief of the Atun family. We hosted them in the kibbutz and traced the events of that tragic morning with them. We embrace them in our hearts, grieve the tragic event, and commit to remember the late Ofek forever."

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The ultimate aim of this gang is "purging" the West Bank of its Palestinian inhabitants, cleansing the Temple Mount of its Muslim worshippers and annexing the territories to the state of Israel. This aim will not be achieved without extensive violent conflict. Armageddon


The supreme aim of the far-right duo National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich is not the occupation of the Gaza Strip.

Even settlement throughout the devastated Strip is not the final goal of the bunch of messianic hallucinators that has seized power in the state of Israel. Gaza is just the introductory chapter, the platform this gang wants to build as the foundation upon which the real fight they are eyeing will be conducted: the battle for the West Bank and the Temple Mount.

The ultimate aim of this gang is "purging" the West Bank of its Palestinian inhabitants, cleansing the Temple Mount of its Muslim worshippers and annexing the territories to the state of Israel. The way to achieve this goal is blood-soaked. Israeli blood, in the state and in the territories it has been controlling for 57 years now, as well as Jewish blood in places elsewhere in the world. As well as a lot of Palestinian blood, of course, in the territories, in Jerusalem and if there is no alternative – also among Arab citizens of Israel.

This aim will not be achieved without extensive violent conflict. Armageddon. All-out war. In the south, in Jerusalem, in the territories of the West Bank and to the extent necessary also on the northern border. Such a war will bolster the impression that we are fighting for our lives, for our very existence. In a war for survival, it is permissible to do insufferable things, and the hilltop youth are proving daily that among them are many who are capable of precisely that.

This gang of pogromists has been successful in the first stage prior to the uproar and all-out war that they apparently hope will erupt here. They have taken control of the government of Israel and have made the man who heads it into their servant. The possibility that they will dismantle the government and kick the prime minister out of running the matters of state is not outlandish. It is a process that is taking place at this very moment, step by step.

First, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich decided in effect to sacrifice the hostages. With the intention of preventing the possibility of an end to the successful military campaign that has thus far brought impressive successes to the Israel Defense Forces, even if at a high price. It is clear that we are far from "total victory." Such a victory is not possible. Even if the military action continues for many more months, the price it is exacting is not worth the "vision" of a victory there is no real possibility of achieving.

Continuing the military action now will drag Israel into Rafah – and that is what they want. Such a move will palpably and immediately endanger the peace agreement between Israel and Egypt. There is no doubt that Egypt, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates and also the Palestinian Authority and Saudi Arabia are all hoping for Hamas to crash and collapse. However, Egypt knows there is a considerable chance that continuation of Israeli military activity will stir the Muslim Brotherhood out of its dormancy.

Egypt has already seen how the Egyptian regime imposed harsh military discipline to block those fundamentalist extremist elements. It was not able to withstand demonstrations by hundreds of thousands at Tahrir Square in the heart of the capital, Cairo. Only tremendous effort, with tacit backing from the international community, enabled more moderate elements headed by President Abdel-Fattah al-Sissi to take back control in Egypt and lead it as a diplomatic and military entity that is helping to stabilize the Middle East.

Sissi and the military leadership will not take a risk that is liable to plunge Egypt into chaos from which it will be difficult to save itself. Continuation of the military campaign in Rafah, which is overcrowded with more than a million Palestinians, is exactly the fuse that will ignite the streets of Egypt's cities, and after that also those in Jordan – another country whose relations with Israel are essential to our security.

Before events degenerate, we will be facing several Arab countries that will have lost the remnants of the trust they have in the ability to create a relationship based on cooperation with Israel. However, the United States of America – the ally that inspiringly leapt to help Israel in its moment of unprecedented crisis, when the government was in shock and its leader had lost his last shreds of good judgment and responsibility – will take measures that will shake up Israel's ability to conduct the military and diplomatic battle and its economic stability.

Amid all this, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has decided to set the Temple Mount on fire. When the riots start around freedom of worship for the Muslim citizens of Israel and the Palestinians from the West Bank and Jerusalem – an extensive wave of terror will crest. This decision is deserving of special condemnation in light of the recent manifestations by Israeli Arab citizens of responsibility and solidarity with the distress their country is experiencing.

Instead of respecting the Arab community's solidarity, Netanyahu and Ben-Gvir are antagonizing it and inciting against it. Every reasonable person can certainly see this inevitable dynamic. Ben-Gvir and Smotrich and with them the violent hilltop youth and many others in the territories, who are still maintaining a degree of restraint, also understand this.

There is no way to explain their conduct apart from the understanding that this is exactly what they want. This is what they are hoping for. And when the wave of terror erupts, the messianic hallucinators will explain to us that force is necessary to prevent terror. Thus, war will seethe throughout the West Bank.

And we haven't said anything yet about the northern border. It is possible to try to reach understandings with Lebanon about a solution to the border issue, which could tame the flames that have already been lit there and have forced tens of thousands of Israelis to flee their homes.

Possibly sensible, restrained management without boastful declarations and endless threats will create an equation that will enable Hezbollah to depict the appearance of an achievement by a solution to the years-long conflict focused on a few points along the current border and justify withdrawal to the line north of Lebanon's Litani River. This would enable Israel to restore the feeling of security to inhabitants of the Galilee and bring them home for another 17 years of quiet. As was accomplished by the Second Lebanon War.

But Ben-Gvir and Smotrich do not want quiet on the northern front. A war there too will only reinforce the claim that there is no choice but to destroy all our enemies, on all the fronts, in all the sectors – whatever the price of this conflict may be.

The prime minister understands the inevitable consequences arising from this total surrender to the gang of pogromists that controls his government. He sees, he understands, but he collaborates. Ultimately (and perhaps a priori), Netanyahu is prepared to relinquish the hostages and undermine the peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan, which are essential pillars in the state of Israel's security infrastructure.

He is prepared to undermine relations with the United States to the point of a visible crisis with the president most committed ever to Israel's security, Joe Biden. Netanyahu understands that the continued reckless process will lead to Israel's isolation in the international community as it has never experienced before. Things are so dire that there is no way to avoid saying them loud and clear: Netanyahu, this will end in a lot more blood. Take heed – you have been warned.

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